On its face, the book, Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong, looks an unlikely hit of the Hong Kong book fair. The insider story on the property sector is no doubt a valuable piece of work for academics and policy-movers and shakers. It does not appear to be the kinds of titles that would sell well in the book fair season.
Speaking to the South China Morning Post last week, the author Alice Poon Wai-han revealed almost 4,000 copies have been sold since the Chinese title was published in late June. Fewer than 600 copies of the original book in English were sold since it was published in 2005.
If the Chinese title has become a sensation, it is because it has rubbed the sensitive nerves of some quarters in the society. Against the background of anti-business sentiments, the controversy surrounding Henderson Land’s 39 Conduit Road project has again put the issue of alleged malpractices of major developers in public limelight.
More importantly, it sparked off fresh concerns about the unpalatable aspects of the city’s free-wheeling capitalist economy as highlighted in Poon’s Chinese title, which could be translated as “The Hegemony of Real Estate.” In her book, Poon has observed weak government and the dominance of Hong Kong tycoons contributed to the formation of cartels in the real estate market as well as in telecoms, retailing and utilities.
The alleged cartel structure of Hong Kong business aside, certain practices of corporations and tycoons have been the subject of much controversy in the past week.
Take the case of the massive outburst against tycoon Simon Lo Lin-shing’s failed bid to build a beachside home at the scenic Sai Wan site. It has reflected the sea of public discontent about the dominance of developers from prime sites for business and residential purposes to uninhibited green areas in the countryside.
Another disturbing case involves the transfer of the private data of holders of Octopus Card by the company to its two business partners in an undisclosed arrangement. It has reinforced public perception about the collusion of businesses in seeking profits at the expense of consumers’ rights and privacy.
Last week, a delegation from the Chinese Manufacturers’ Association told top Chinese officials during a visit in Beijing functional constituency elections have their own merits and therefore should be retained.
With opinion polls showing a consistent majority of people in favor of scrapping the “small-circle” election, the attempt by the business body to lobby Beijing for keeping the electoral system amounts has back-fired.
It has deepened public feeling that the business sector has enjoyed special privileges for their voices to be heard and views heeded in Beijing.
Unrelated though they are, the recent string of controversies that involved business figures and chamber and corporations has and will inflict damages to the public image and perception towards the business sector.
Unlike other places where class conflicts are more acute and anti-business sentiments are more prevalent, Hong Kong has arguably not yet seen any organised mass movement against conglomerates and the business sector as a whole.
That said, a feeling of intolerance, dismay and discontent towards the approach and practices of the Hong Kong corporate has begun to spread in the society.
To be fair, the business sector is waking up to the winds of change in the socio-political landscape.
Abandoning its low-key approach and secretive image, the Chinese Manufacturers’ Association, for instance, has sought to rejuvenate their role and presence in the local political scene recently.
Former Liberal Party chairman James Tien Pei-chun has revealed a plan is underway to set up a multi-million-dollar business fund for helping the poor and the under-privileged.
At the corporate level, major blue-chip companies, particular those in real estate sector, have intensified efforts in promoting corporate social responsibility activities in addition to their bosses’ donations to universities and schools.
As part of their image-building strategy, major corporations and their leaders have also stepped up funding for cultural and sports activities.
Those initiatives aimed at engaging with the community stem from a greater sense of awareness among the business sector changes in the political and policy environment have become increasingly relevant to their investments.
While catching up to grasp the complexities of the range of political, social issues, many in the business sector have begun to understand the imperatives of participating in order to influence the course of developments.
If the business sector has not yet found an answer to the question of how to participate, it is because of the obsessed belief among the conservatives that their interests have and will be well taken care of by the central and Hong Kong governments. Simply put, many have remained reluctant to take a dip into the muddy political waters since elective politics was introduced in the 1980s.
It was almost three decades ago when state leaders met regularly with the power and the rich from Hong Kong in Zhongnanhai to address their concerns about the 1997 handover. Those days are gone.
With the society’s values, culture and political process rapidly changing, the business sector can no longer live in the past and play the new game with the old approach.
Spending by big corporations for a good cause such as reading habit and culture of volunteering cannot be faulted. Its impact has become insignificant when set against glaring cases of failure to embrace society’s emerging core values such as environmental protection (the Sai Wan case) and fair and equal voting rights (functional constituency election).
Questions will remain in the minds of people about whether the business sector has a heart in making Hong Kong a better place to live.
Chris Yeung
Chris Yeung is News Director and head of the English newsroom at Hong Kong Economic Journal. He is formerly editor-at-large at the South China Morning Post who has covered and written extensively on Hong Kong's politics and policies since 1980s. His column appears every Monday on hkej.com. 資深新聞工作者楊健興為本報新聞總監,自八十年代起專責報道和分析香港政治與政策,曾任《南華早報》資深編輯。他逢星期一在信報網站撰寫專欄,深入探討中港政治 。
Daniel ...I am all for it. We need class rather than anything else in this age of quick bucks and ignominy. 7月26日 03:08
PBrega Ha! Ha! Ha! Hong Kong value? What's that? Ask those who live in Tin Shui Wai. What is the business sector? Are they human? Oh! Yes! They are the superior class of Hong Kong. They are the elite! Maybe you want to joint them? It seems so honor, welcome to joint the Faust Club! I don't think you look like god even with those golden sheet attached on your face. Don't tell me you have done a good deed, after all, in the mirror, it is worse than the cockroaches. 7月26日 08:42
Henry Kar Ming Chan Hi, all,
民主黨張文光認為 : ...寄語他們(工商界)不如趁距離普選尚有十年時間,盡早組黨參加直選,有信心他們(工商界)會成為不可忽視的一群,與泛民、建制派形成「三足鼎立」的局面。
[梁愛詩:勿鹵莽廢功能組 指現制度可作改善 【明報專訊】2010年7月24日] 7月26日 08:56
網站編輯 《信報》要聞:
強調地產無霸權 不存在壟斷
...被問及出任其父郭得勝私人助理八年的潘慧嫻推出《地產霸權》一書,形容地產商家族霸權世代相傳。郭炳湘稱,香港奉行自由經濟體系,任何人都可以從事任何生意。
他說以往參與地產發展的公司數目更少,只得怡和、置地、太古(019),現在市場已經開放,本港沒有霸權,不存在壟斷,任何人都可以進場。他承認,潘慧嫻以往是其父郭得勝的助理,他本人也認識她。...
(節錄) 7月26日 09:26
OmNaMo PBREGA, 同意! Hong Kong value? What's that? 我也对此不解. 香港价值是怎么被发现, 定义, 确认, 及得到多少人认同呢? 如坛友有更多资料, 请解小第迷津. 先谢过. 7月26日 10:03
釗藝 “說實在的,我當初看樓的時候也是這麼想,香港的豪宅怎麼那麼小家子氣呀?後來想明白了,有甚麼樣的買家就有甚麼樣的發展商。我跟你說,不管那些虧心的發展商設計得怎麼缺德,甚至是胡鬧。你比如說這個甚麼‘海怡半島’吧,把個四字都忌諱弄成13a座,23a座,33a座,等等,凈弄些花哨的東西,可那些賣家們就沒有意見。你說設計不好吧,你還在考慮考慮呢,別的買家就搶著要買了,能讓你慢慢考慮清楚嗎?你不滿意,可是連不滿意的時間都沒有價格就已經被搶高了。所以,香港買樓,你也別挑三挑四的了。這兩年我也學精了,一看差不多了就敲下去。反正不就是個接火棒的遊戲嗎,誰搶先誰佔便宜,誰出手慢誰吃虧,就這麼一回事。” 7月26日 10:23
eddie31 2047年最後一屆特區政府面對的舊樓問題, 會比今日更煩千倍 7月26日 10:33
OmNaMo 釗藝兄, 如在97年至03年买楼, 就要慢慢来, 慢慢挑. 誰搶先誰吃虧,誰出手慢誰佔便宜. 如香港楼市转势, 要千万小心. 7月26日 10:34
葉大鵬 勿論郭炳湘,如果你問地產經紀、銀行經理、律師樓造契師爺、報紙廣告A、甚至坐擁七叠樓的林公公等等,佢地都必會指天發誓,話香港無地產霸權,不存在壟斷樓市,否定《地產霸權》一書的分析。利益攸關也。事實上,本書根本的重點是想指出地產財閥如何在得到政府的政策傾斜疵蔭之下,已吞噬了各行各業的中小企,將絕大部份香港人的衣、食、住、行的基本生活權利直接及間接完全操控在股掌中,進而無情地搜刮剝削,繼續令80後、我們的子孫無力爭取上進的機會。
真的不想傳媒只集中佢地以為受眾只關心炒樓的問題,因那會令提問問題及討論時,不得要領。香江第一健筆林行止先生一早就點出潘慧孄書中所言者乃地產財團跨行業壟斷之弊,果高人也。好多人似乎都只聽到書名,未讀內容就回應,不知所謂,毫無建設性,這或包括郭生,但肯定不是Christ Yeung 先生。 7月26日 14:44
PBrega 英國殖民政府非常聰明,97年英國佬將香港交給中國,將香港的經濟交給地產商,將香港政權交給那些孤臣餘孽。他很清楚,香港這些難民,既無文化,又不團結,不可能有所作為。老八自顧不暇,亦苦無對策,所以這些陋習卑行,表露無遺。老八托樓市,亦很難講他,緦有一天老八知道受騙(六百萬移民),到時看看那些縮水樓發水樓,有誰問津? 7月26日 18:37
葉大鵬 Do you know why Alice Poon's book "Land and the Ruling Class in Hong Kong "writen in English didn't arouse much attention when it was first published five years ago? It was because the target audience which was supposed to be those policy makers in Hong Kong were either too arrogant or lazy to read any serious books in English. Shame on them. Shame on Hong Kong for claiming itself an international city.
And do you know why the book is selling like hot dogs, attracted so much interests and controversies this time around when printed in Chinese? It's because most people in Hong Kong have fed up with the SAR's land policy and exploitation by the tycoons. The plight has vastly deteriorated in the past five years.
Enough is enough!
7月27日 10:44
OmNaMo 今天楼价贵, 对地产商的不满大. 但当楼价下滑, 这不满的声音又会消失得无影无踪. 五年前没人留意这书不是因为写作语言, 而是楼价处于相对底水平. 长远来说, 政府的利益(库房收入)跟地产商挂钩. 地产商将继续在香港呼风唤雨. 7月27日 13:47